Nemtsov with Timoshenko and Poroshenko
Stanislav Yakovlev – Facebook Translated by Kristina Rus
Note: It should be noted that the recent coup against Ukraine was a Zionist orchestrated one, not one conducted by any Russian nationals.
Ukraine Presidential Frontrunner Petro Poroshenko and His Secret Jewish Roots
‘Chocolate King’s’ Father Was Jew Who Took Wife’s Name
The entire operation is an arch-Zionist conspiracy. Clearly, all of Ukraine has been manipulated as a result of this plot, plus at the hands of the Zionists it has been fully looted.
Now, to the articles:
According to one Russian language blogger the entire claim for a prediction by Boris Nemtsov of his own sudden death by assassination was faked. The translator, Kristina Rus, said that the source, “Sobesednick,” clearly blundered to the extreme when making the claim. She refers to the sudden posting of the so-called full version of the interview with Boris Nemtsov.
The original interview, as published in English, she claims, now, is some three weeks old, as follows:
– Interesting. Did you after such conversations with your mother begin to fear that Putin may soon kill you personally or through intermediaries?
– You know, yes… a little. Not as much as mom, but still… But still I am not so much afraid of him. If I was very afraid, then I would not head the opposition party, would not be engaged in what I do? By the way, please say hello to Dmitry Bykov from me and mama.
– Thank you, I will. Hope, still, common sense will prevail and Putin isn’t going to kill you.
– God forbid. And I hope so.
Here is the New York Times version:
In a recent interview with the magazine Sobesednik, Mr. Nemtsov had said his mother feared that Mr. Putin would have him killed for his outspoken, unbowed criticism of the war in Ukraine.
“She is truly scared that he could kill me soon for all of my statements, both in real life and on social networks,” Mr. Nemtsov said in the interview. “This is not a joke; she is a smart person.”
Asked by the magazine if he was worried Mr. Putin would kill him, Mr. Nemtsov said he was “somewhat worried, but not as seriously as my mother.”
Now, compare these versions, says Rus, “with decrypted, as far as I understand it, literally – that is, without editing, processing, and author’s additions – full version of the interview published last night:”
– And, perhaps, finally, I will ask you, are you not afraid of Putin? Or, have you become more cautious?
– I am not that scared
– But a little fear, yes?
(as if to induce him to say he really is scared)
– Well listen, I’m just kidding. If I was scared, then I would not head the opposition party, would not be engaged in what I do. Mom, by the way, loves Dmitry Bykov and knows that he works for the “Sobesednik.” Sends best wishes to him.
End quote, and end of the interview.
Twenty days ago fictional Boris Nemtsov has admitted that he is a little afraid of Vladimir Putin. Slightly, but significantly. Because Vladimir Putin could easily kill Boris Nemtsov. But Boris Nemtsov hopes that the Lord Almighty in his great mercy will not allow his demise. Because there is nothing more to rely on anyway.
While the real Boris Nemtsov said that he is not afraid of Putin (in fact), he wasn’t even asked about a murder. And the final exchange of remarks about the triumph of common sense and the help of God in the context of prospects to die a violent death at the whim of the Kremlin tyrant is the result of unhealthy fantasies of the writers from “Sobesednik”, from the first letter to the last point.
You know, there’s a popular verse about the collapse of the Ceausescu regime, and there’s a great line, which I now really want to quote:
“Are you f%cked up, brothers Romanians?”
And besides this purely rhetorical question there is nothing else to say to you.
Especially considering a theory, and quite convincing one, according to which, the statement of Nemtsov “I am afraid, Putin can kill me” in an interview with “Sobesednik” has become the main, if not only, reason for his murder.
The statement, which never existed in reality. Absolute fabrication. Just the unique creative team wanted a bit of light traffic. But they could not write that Vladimir Putin f$cks pigs, because for this some polite people can show up.
But the title that “Vladimir Putin can kill Boris Nemtsov” – is a great, cheerful headline. No, really, what’s the problem? No false statements contained in the text. Or, are you saying that Vladimir Putin can’t kill Boris Nemtsov? Putin can do anything.
But I still strongly hope that tomorrow at this march of the mourning they will suddenly bring a fake coffin with twined garlands painted in the style of “My Little Pony”, and alive and well Nemtsov will rise out of it and will report “April Fools!”
Otherwise, I have no idea how to fit, feel, and comprehend all of this…
To answer the question why would the editors of Sobesednik expose themselves like that after the fact, the author arrives at the conclusion that the full interview was simply posted to generate more traffic in light of recent events.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Alexander Nekrassov is a former Kremlin and government adviser.
Here’s a question for you to chew on: Why would Russian President Vladimir Putin, who enjoys a popularity rating of around 80 percent at the moment, want to get rid of a fading opposition politician, Boris Nemtsov, who hardly registers on the public radar?
And what would be the logic of having him assassinated less than half a mile away from the Kremlin walls? Wouldn’t it be asking for trouble, considering that Russia’s relations with the West are at their lowest point since the Cold War over the crisis in Ukraine?
Nevertheless, once the news of the fatal shooting of 55-year-old Nemtsov, late last Friday, came out of Moscow, all the usual suspects started pointing out that he was a “fierce critic” of Putin, implying that the Kremlin must have had something to do with it. Some were cunning enough to say that even if Putin did not order Nemtsov’s murder, he had created “an atmosphere of hate and intolerance” in the country that indirectly resulted in the assassination of the “prominent opposition leader”.
Nemtsov was gunned down on the Moskvoretsky Bridge, as he was walking with his companion, a model from Ukraine, Anna Duratskih, from an eatery in the GUM shopping centre across from the Kremlin.
As it has now been established, a man came out from the stairs leading to the embankment from the bridge, shot at Nemtsov six times from a Makarov pistol, hitting him four times in the back, and then jumped into a car which pulled up at the curb. Nemtsov, according to the witness who saw the whole thing, died practically instantly.
The Kremlin reacted quickly to the incident; 40 minutes later, its official spokesman said that Putin had been informed about the incident and ordered law enforcement agencies to create a special task force to investigate Nemtsov’s murder. The line from the Kremlin was that it treated the incident as a “contract hit” and that it was intended as a provocation. It was later announced that Putin had sent his condolences to Nemtsov’s mother and even promised her that everything would be done to find her son’s killers.
Western leaders were also quick to respond to the killing, with US President Barack Obama leading the condemnation of Nemtsov’s murder and calling for an investigation. This was odd in itself because the investigation had already started and the Russian media was giving blanket coverage to the story. Even more puzzling was the way stern-faced western ambassadors rushed the next day to lay flowers at the place Nemtsov was shot. This was not very tactful, since Nemtsov had regularly called for Putin’s overthrow, and their paying homage implied that these western diplomats in Moscow supported that notion.
Investigators in Moscow are currently looking at several lines of inquiry, including a possible link to the Ukraine crisis and nationalistic elements there that could have organised the murder to “destabilise the situation in Russia”. Other possibilities on the table include the so-called “Islamic extremist connection”, a possible link to Nemtsov’s strong stand on Charlie Hebdo and his criticism of Muslim extremism generally, his business interests and even a possible “jealous lover” version, involving a spurned boyfriend of Nemtsov’s Ukrainian companion that night.
The problem with the coverage of Nemtsov’s murder abroad is that very few people outside the tight circle of so-called ‘Russian experts’ know much about the man and his political career.
There are also inquiries into his conflicts as a member of parliament, from the Yaroslavl region, with the local authorities and businessmen. But as my sources in Moscow tell me, the Ukrainian link is given top priority at the moment.
Stir up trouble
Sunday’s march in memory of Nemtsov passed quietly, despite fears that some people might be tempted to stir up trouble and provoke clashes with the police, with around 21,000 people taking part and not “tens of thousands” as reported by some media outlets. (The reason why official estimates are closer to the real numbers is because all demonstrators had to pass through metal detectors before joining the march and were registered by computers.)
And if you consider that some people came to express their specific grievances that had nothing to do with Nemtsov, like economic problems or even demanding to free the Ukrainian pilot Nadezha Savchenko, who is in prison in Russia on charges of accessory to murder of Russian journalists in eastern Ukraine, it is clear that the march was not solely centred on the dead politician.
The problem with the coverage of Nemtsov’s murder abroad is that very few people outside the tight circle of so-called “Russian experts” know much about the man and his political career. But it is worthwhile remembering that his achievements were not so numerous and his so-called attempts to “root out corruption” rarely brought any results, if any at all.
Nemtsov’s six-year governorship of the Nizhniy Novgorod region, from 1991 to 1997, did not produce anything spectacular and his presence in the Russian cabinet as deputy prime minister and later first deputy prime minister in 1997 and 1998 were not exactly outstanding, culminating in the government collapsing in August 1998 when Russia had defaulted on its domestic debts.
Nemtsov’s career as an opposition politician was not without achievements but he never managed to build a substantial following and all his attempts to return to frontline politics failed. Since 2012, he was the cofounder and co-chairman of the Republican Party of Russia – People’s Freedom Party, which had no representation in the State Duma, the Russian parliament.
I interviewed Nemtsov in London in 2005 for a Russian newspaper when he attended the Russian Economic Forum and we had had a long conversation about his plans for the future and the overall political situation in Russia.
My impression was that he did not have a coherent political programme that he could offer to Russian voters. By then, he was already a marginal politician, bitter at the world for not recognising his talents but basking in the adoration of the fairer sex.
He remained part of the liberal Moscow opposition and I got an impression that by then he reconciled himself with the fact that his role was that of a “charismatic troublemaker” who said things to shock rather than suggesting anything practical.
He was eloquent but without much substance, ambitious but without the intellect to back it. I even had a feeling then that if Putin would have offered him a job in his government, he might have agreed to be in the spotlight again. For he liked the trappings of power, which was obvious during his days as regional governor and deputy prime minister in the 1990s.
Nevertheless, any murder is always a heinous crime. But it is also deeply unfair to use the memory of the dead for political purposes. The hope is that the killers of Boris Nemtsov will be found and brought to justice.
Alexander Nekrassov is a former Kremlin and government adviser.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.